Jimmy Carter immediately declared that the invasion jeopardized vital
According to the official version of history, CIA aid to the mujahideen began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army invaded
That secret operation
was an excellent idea. It had the effect of drawing the Russians into the
Afghan trap.... The day that the Soviets officially crossed the border, I wrote
to President Carter: We now have the opportunity of
giving to the
administration was well aware that in backing the mujahideen
it was supporting forces with reactionary social goals, but this was outweighed
by its own geopolitical interests. In August 1979, a classified State
Department report bluntly asserted that "the
to read the letter to the right. Yes,
the above is the same Hodding Carter, III that
President Carter had asked to write to me in 1978. After all, I had made the highest score on
the ASVB (Armed Services Vocational
To understand the Piety
of a Southern Democrat you have to understand their roots. What makes them pious; I think it has a lot
to do with what they refer to as The War of Northern Aggression.
University of Washington
Franklin Roosevelt had challengers on the left and right. One of those on
the left was Huey Long, the popular governor (and simultaneously U.S. Senator)
Source: Hodding Carter , Huey Long:
American Dictator (1935) reprinted in Isabel Leighton, ed., The Aspirin
Age, 1919-1941 (New York, 1949), p. 339-40, 351-52, 353-56. The
For newspapermen, those were...memorable days. You stood beside his hotel
dining table, as he slopped up great tablespoonfuls of cereal with a sidewinding sweep or tore broiled chicken to pieces with
his fingers, and you jotted down the incessant harangues against the lying
newspapers, the city machine, and the battered enemy politicians, while the
bodyguards glowered protectively near by. You didn’t like him, if only
because the slugging of newspapermen didn’t seem justifiable even for vote
getting, and especially when the strong-arming became personal. You were
chased by militiamen across the parade grounds of Jackson Barracks in
In a corridor of the garish Roosevelt Hotel, managed by a...former shoe clerk who was now his paymaster and treasurer, you watched a fellow reporter being hustled out of the Governor’s suite. ...The reporter had struck the Governor in retaliation for being cursed, and the Governor had struck back, but only after his bodyguards had pinioned his attacker.
The public-works program went into high gear. The depression was rocking
The first program was followed by a second and more ambitious one: a sixty-eight-million-dollar highway construction project, a five-million-dollar skyscraper capitol, and another twenty million dollars in assorted projects, all to be financed by an additional three-cent hike in the gasoline tax. With a year and a half yet to serve as Governor, and with the opposition organizing against the program, Huey decided to run for the United States Senate with the state program as his platform. Huey won hands down; and when his...Lieutenant Governor claimed the Governorship because of Long’s election to the Senate, Huey called out the state police and the National Guard, read the Lieutenant Governor out of office, and put in the president pro tempore of the Senate as acting Governor¼.
In 1934 Long formalized the program which he hoped would eventually win him the Presidency. The hazy concept of a national redistribution of wealth, presented fifteen years before by the obscure state Senator from Winn Parish, took definable shape in a national “Share Our Wealth” organization. No dues were necessary... No matter that the Share Our Wealth program was demonstrably impracticable as presented. It was believable: a limitation of fortunes to $5,000,000; an annual income minimum of $2,000 to $2,500 and a maximum of $1,800,000; a homestead grant of $6,000 for every family; free education from kindergarten through college; bonuses for veterans; old-age pensions, radios, automobiles, an abundance of cheap food through governmental purchase and storage of surpluses. The Share Our Wealth members had their own catchy song, "Every Man a King," their own newspaper, the mudslinging Louisiana Progress, expanded now to the American Progress.
As the Share Our Wealth chorus swelled, Huey, like a wise military tactician, took care to protect his rear. In a spectacular, degenerative series of special sessions in 1934 and 1935, his legislature reduced Louisianans almost literally to the status of Indian wards. Together with this final elimination of...democratic self-government—to the unconcern of a majority of the unconsulted electorate—came new benefits: homestead tax exemption, theoretically up to two thousand dollars; abolition of the one-dollar poll tax; a debt moratorium act; and new taxes—an income tax, a public utilities receipts tax, an attempted “two cents a lie” tax on the advertising receipts of the larger newspapers, which the United States Supreme Court pronounced unconstitutional.
It is perhaps a corollary that in the last year of his life Long became
obsessed with a fear of assassination. He increased his armed bodyguard,
and took other unusual precautions to insure his personal safety. In
July, 1935, he charged on the floor of the Senate that enemies had planned his
death with “one man, one gun, and one bullet” as the medium, and with the
promise of a Presidential pardon as the slayer’s reward. This plot, he said,
was hatched in a
And somebody did... On the night of September 8, a slender, bespectacled man in a white suit stepped from behind a marble pillar in the capitol as Long, accompanied by his closest aides and bodyguard, hurried to the Governor’s office. Dr. Carl Austin Weiss, the man in the white suit, drew a small pistol and fired once. Seconds later, the assassin lay dead, his body and head riddled by sixty-one shots. Huey Long staggered away with one bullet wound, perhaps a second, in his stomach. Thirty hours later he died.
Journal of Southern History
Author: Tunnell, Ted
COPYRIGHT 2006 Southern Historical Association
ONE READS THE TRUER DEEPER FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION WITH A GREAT despair," wrote W. E. B. Du Bois. "It is at once so simple and human, and yet so futile." (1) Du Bois's words from nearly three quarters of a century ago still resonate. How could something so noble end in such anguish and injustice? Historians have offered many explanations for the precipitous collapse of Radical Reconstruction. They have stressed the North's failure to redistribute confiscated southern lands to ex-slaves, leaving freedpeople economically dependent on white landowners. They have explained that southern governments based on black suffrage never obtained legitimacy in the eyes of most white Americans. They have assessed the terrible damage done by the Ku Klux Klan and the White Leagues. They have observed the waning idealism of northern Republicans and how quickly the North wearied of deploying the U.S. Army to protect southern radicals.
While historians of the postwar South have extensively used
newspapers as sources, the southern press as an institution remains largely
unexplored. The only general work is Hodding
Carter's short book of printed lectures, Their Words Were Bullets: The Southern Press in War,
Reconstruction, and Peace(1969), which
surveys the entire period from 1861 to 1877 in thirty-two pages. Of the 2,904
entries in David A. Lincove's exhaustive
Reconstruction in the
This work is a study of Reconstruction symbolism and rhetoric as expressed in the writings of southern journalists during the transition from Presidential to Radical Reconstruction (1867-1868). It examines those newsmen' s creation of the words carpetbagger and scalawag and demonstrates that they created the epithets as counter-Reconstruction weapons at the precise moment when they would do the most damage: during the radical constitutional conventions that were meeting in conformity with the Reconstruction Act--and while public sentiment about the radical program was only beginning to crystallize. This article argues too that editors in all parts of the South quickly discerned that carpetbagger was a far more effective propaganda tool than scalawag. As molded by newsmen, images of Yankees, carpetbags in hand, more fully expressed white southerners' outrage at radical government than depictions of scalawags did. Equally important, carpetbagger imagery undermined Reconstruction's legitimacy in the North in a way that scalawag imagery did not. Not surprisingly, northerners demonstrated far more sensitivity to the alleged sins of carpetbaggers--ex-Union soldiers and Yankee businessmen--than to those of scalawags, who were largely anonymous southerners. These powerful images tied to the emerging radical governments a figurative ball and chain from which they never escaped.
For better or worse, emblematic words such as carpetbagger and scalawag are inescapable features of political rhetoric. "Politics," political scientist Michael Walzer writes, "is an art of unification; from many, it makes one. And symbolic activity is perhaps our most important means of bringing things together." Without symbols, men and women could not elect presidents and Congresses, write laws and constitutions, and make war. Nor could they act together, as white southerners did after the Civil War to overthrow Radical Reconstruction. (5)
A look at a real Southern Democrat. Some like’n their tactics to the Nazi Gestapo that they fought against during WWII – um, who said that? Joe Payne